Exceptions certainly exist, particularly in the civil service or in unionized workplaces (Anderson, Hegewisch, and Hayes 2015). However, if women in female-dominated occupations were to go into male-dominated occupations, they would often have similar or lower expected wages as compared with their female counterparts in female-dominated occupations (Pitts 2002). Thus, many women going into female-dominated occupations are actually situating themselves to earn higher wages. This holds true for all categories of women except for the most educated, who are more likely to earn more in a male profession than a female profession. There is also evidence that if it becomes more lucrative for women to move into male-dominated professions, women will do exactly this (Pitts 2002).

• A particularly depressing example is the well-publicized evidence of sexism in the tech industry (Hewlett et al. 2008).
• But research suggests that women are making a logical choice, given existing constraints.
• Even for women who go against the grain and pursue STEM careers, if employers in the industry foster an environment hostile to women’s participation, the share of women in these occupations will be limited.
• As female labor became a crucial part of the economy, efforts by the Women’s Bureau increased.
• But these adjusted statistics can radically understate the potential for gender discrimination to suppress women’s earnings.

Two-thirds of the American Geographical Society (AGS)’s employees were women, who served as librarians, editorial personnel in the publishing programs, secretaries, research editors, copy editors, proofreaders, research assistants and sales staff. These women came with credentials from well-known colleges and universities and many were overqualified for their positions, but later were promoted to more prestigious positions. Two years ago I was appointed to a promotions committee at a provincial university.

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The term was coined in 1983 to describe the limits women have in furthering their careers since the jobs are often dead-end, stressful and underpaid. Pink ghetto was more commonly used in the early years, when women were finally able to work. Pink-collar work became the popular term once it was popularized by Louise Kapp Howe, a writer and social critic, in the 1970s.

In addition, Military nurses, an already „feminized“ and accepted profession for women, expanded during wartime. In 1917, Louisa Lee Schuyler opened the Bellevue Hospital School of Nursing, which was the first to train women as professional nurses.[20] After completing training, female nurses worked in hospitals or more predominantly in field tents. Social norms and expectations exert pressure on women to bear a disproportionate share of domestic work—particularly caring for children and elderly parents. This can make it particularly difficult for them (relative to their male peers) to be available at the drop of a hat on a Sunday evening after working a 60-hour week. To the extent that availability to work long and particular hours makes the difference between getting a promotion or seeing one’s career stagnate, women are disadvantaged.

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Based on data collected as part of a broader participatory action research project on casual academic labor in Irish higher education, the article focuses on the intersection of precarious work and gender in academia. We argue that precarious female academics are non-citizens of the academy, a status that is reproduced through exploitative gendered practices and evident in formal/legal recognition (staff status, rights and entitlements, pay and valuing of work) as well as in informal dimensions (social and decision-making power). We, therefore, conclude that any attempts to challenge gender inequality in academia must look downward, not upward, to the ranks of the precarious academics.

Critics of this widely cited statistic claim it is not solid evidence of economic discrimination against women because it is unadjusted for characteristics other than gender that can affect earnings, such as years of education, work experience, and location. Many of these skeptics contend that the gender wage gap is driven not by discrimination, but instead by voluntary choices made by men and women—particularly the choice of occupation in which they work. And occupational differences certainly do matter—occupation and industry account for about half of the overall gender wage gap (Blau and Kahn 2016).

A Silent Workforce: The Feminization of the United Nations

In short, occupational choice is heavily influenced by existing constraints based on gender and pay-setting across occupations. Too often it is assumed that this gap is not evidence of discrimination, but is instead a statistical artifact of failing to adjust for factors that could drive earnings differences between men and women. However, these factors—particularly occupational differences between women and men—are themselves affected by gender bias.

Complicated travel arrangements had to be made each time for the 12 or so out-of-town members, and there were difficulties finding dates that were mutually compatible. Extensive documentation had to be collected and circulated, interviews arranged, referees contacted. At each meeting Pat, the secretary, not only took minutes but frequently left the room to make telephone calls and send faxes. Pat did all this cheerfully and was warmly thanked by members of the committee at the end for taking care of them. The work was secretarial in the broadest sense, including organizing lunches and daily travel arrangements, … In 1913 the ILGWU signed the well-known „protocol in the Dress and Waist Industry“ which was the first contract between labor and management settled by outside negotiators.

Despite the high visibility of the United Nations, little is known about the employment conditions of almost half of its workforce. The findings suggest that the United Nations is split in half; those appointed as “staff members” enjoy standard working conditions, while those hired as “non-staff”, such as consultants, interns and volunteers, are feminized. It is unclear if this feminization affects women and men equally as the United Nations keeps limited statistics on non-staff. Informal employment tends to affect women more than men, however, so it is likely that female non-staff are especially feminized. By applying the labour standards it sets for the rest of the world to its internal organization, the United Nations would benefit its workforce, boost its legitimacy and set a more general precedent in dealing with the increasing feminization of the workforce.

While women have increasingly gone into medical school and continue to dominate the nursing field, women are significantly less likely to arrive at college interested in engineering, computer science, or physics, as compared with their male counterparts. This paper explains why gender occupational sorting is itself part of the discrimination women face, https://accounting-services.net/the-rise-of-the-no-collar-job-what-schools-need-to/ examines how this sorting is shaped by societal and economic forces, and explains that gender pay gaps are present even within occupations. This article locates the reorganization of work relations in the apparel sector in Pakistan, after the end of the Multi-Fibre Arrangement (MFA) quota regime, within the context of a global production network (GPN).